There is a lot of talk about whether Narendra Modi could
be India's next prime minister. The very question scares many of us, because we
have seen how Modi presided over, if not caused, the mass murder of over 1,000 people in Gujarat 10
years ago.
Having done that, he has consolidated the Hindu
vote in his favour and has been in power since. Not only has there been little justice for the 2002
violence, Muslims in Gujarat suffer worse discrimination and lack of
opportunities than anywhere else in India. It is not about Muslim discrimination alone: Modi
has generally emerged as an authoritarian figure who brooks no dissent.
The talk of making him PM is ostensibly based on
his good performance as chief minister -- we are told how Gujarat's economy has
grown by leaps and bounds, how Gujarat is a prosperous state, one that is ably
governed and is corruption-free, one that attracts investment from across the
world. Much of this is exaggerated and much is true.
Gujarat was always ahead of many other states in economic indicators -- Modi
knew how to take credit for it.
The talk of Modi-for-PM has also gained ground
because the Manmohan Singh-led United Progressive Alliance government is so
discredited that its own leaders don't expect to return to power. This results
in the likelihood of a Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance
returning to power. In which case, could Mr Modi be prime minister?
The question hinges on three variables. Firstly,
can the BJP exploit the sentiment against the UPA and get enough seats to form
even a coalition government? Second, is Modi the BJP's choice for the top job?
Third, if Modi is the BJP's prime ministerial candidate, will various coalition
partners support a Modi-led government?
The Lok Sabha has 543 members; a government needs
272 votes to be formed. For a coalition government, it is considered that the
leading party needs to have 180+ and can then go around look for 92 votes from
potential allies. In 2009, the Congress won 206 seats and the BJP
116. Even with the Congress at its most unpopular, can the BJP cross the 180
mark?
India's general elections are a sum of the states.
If you go state by state you will see the BJP in 2009 did so well in many
states where the Congress has a good presence that its seats can only come down
-- 8 of 14 in Jharkhand, 19 of 28 in Karnataka, 16 of 29 in Madhya Pradesh, 15
of 26 in Gujarat, 10 of 11 in Chhattisgarh, 3 of 4 in Himachal Pradesh. Only in
Rajasthan does it await major gains, where it won only four of 25 seats. The
BJP is likely to make minor gains in Uttarakhand (where all five seats are held
by the Congress), Punjab (where it has
one of 13), and so on.
In other words, the BJP could at best reach 150
seats. The Congress's decline will help the BJP only as much as it will help
regional parties, whose share could go up. The only thing that could change
that is a political wave that is not only anti-Congress, but also decidedly
pro-BJP.
A BJP worker I met near Allahabad during the Uttar
Pradesh assembly election in March 2012 told me that announcing Narendra Modi
as the party's candidate for PM would be a game-changer. It would polarise
voters, it would make Modi the issue, it would force people to take sides. In other words, it would be like the Babri Masjid movement
of the early 1990s which turned the BJP into a serious player. With that or any other calculation in mind, will
the BJP declare Modi as its prime ministerial candidate? The BJP is unlikely to
do that because it has too many prime ministerial candidates.
L K Advani who has forever been the prime
minister-in-waiting, must be a very hurt man these days. Just because he could
not become prime minister in 2009, why should it mean that the brothers and
sisters of the great Hindu family have started disregarding the Karachi-born
Sindhi hardliner? He continues to be active in politics despite
having announced 'retirement' because he fears he will become unwell like
Vajpayee if he simply sits at home. It is said that no age is too old to become prime
minister -- once you get the post you suddenly become fit enough to last five
years.
But there's a restless, young lot in the BJP. There
is 'Bharatiya Nari' Sushma Swaraj, who hopes to be the Rashtriya Swayamsewak
Sangh's choice. The RSS is the mother of the BJP. I asked an RSS insider who
the Sangh's ideal choice for PM would be. "Believe it or not," he
said, "Nitin Gadkari”.
Gadkari is party president. He was forced to the
national stage by the RSS. Despite his sagging popularity, the RSS thinks he's
a nice guy, because he's after all a Marathi Brahmin, just like the RSS top
brass in Nagpur. Then there is Arun Jaitley the suave lawyer,
darling of the English media, who hopes to be Modi's mukhauta in the
manner that Vajpayee was the 'moderate' mask of a hardline Advani. Having used
the RSS and its sister organisation, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, in the 2002
pogrom, Modi kicked them aside like a used napkin.
Modi has not shown any willingness to mend his
relations with the Sangh Parivar or even reach out to BJP leaders. Good
fascists never say sorry. "The ball is in his court," a BJP leader
close to Gadkari told me. It's not as simple as that, though. Gadkari and the
RSS have gone on the offensive against Modi by daring to induct into the party
his bete noire Sanjay Joshi, an RSS activist, because of whom Modi did
not campaign in the UP election nor is he planning to attend this week's BJP
national executive meet.
The BJP's post-Vajpayee succession battle will
resolve itself only when power is nigh, which means, only if the BJP is in a
position to form a government. For that it will need to woo regional satraps,
many of whom have prime ministerial ambitions of their own. Even if the numbers are on the BJP's side, many
regional leaders cannot afford to support a Modi-led government for fear of
losing their Muslim vote blocs. These include Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh, Nitish
Kumar in Bihar and Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal.
In other words, North Indian Muslims will keep the
tormentor of Gujarati Muslims in check! Even other potential allies, such as
Naveen Patnaik, aren't particularly great fans of strident Hindutva. All in all, the chances of Modi as prime minister
of India in 2014 seem very remote. Why then is there such a lot of buzz around
the question?
The buzz is a creation of Modi's PR machinery and
is aimed at positioning himself more within the BJP than without, for the
moment.
In December, Gujarat will have its third assembly
election since the 2002 pogrom. Many predict that Modi will lose some votes and
seats -- some even say he may have to leave the chief minister's chair.
Interesting times are ahead of us.