Jaya to visit Delhi soon, likely to meet Sonia

Courtesy:CNNIBN

NEW DELHI: After a sweeping victory in Tamil Nadu assembly polls, Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa is likely to visit Delhi soon, party sources said Tuesday.

During her visit, the AIADMK chief is likely to meet Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Congress chief Sonia Gandhi and other prominent Congress leaders.

"The AIADMK supremo will visit Delhi next month but the date is not yet fixed. As of now we are waiting for amma's (Jayalalithaa) orders," a top AIADMK source, requesting anonymity, told IANS.

Asked if it would be a formal visit or there would be a meeting on forming an alliance with the Congress, the source said it is "early to tell whether the visit is a casual or a political one".

Jayalalithaa's visit comes after Congress president Sonia Gandhi invited her to tea soon after the poll results were declared earlier this month. Both the Congress and the AIADMK called it a "courtesy" and denied any political alliance at the time.

"It has been over a decade that the two leaders have met personally or interacted with each other," the AIADMK source added.

"Although the Congress party has not openly claimed it's pro-Jayalalithaa shift, the party definitely seems to rebuild the relations with the AIADMK chief," the source said.

Justice Under a Cloud - Mala Fide - Malvika Singh

Courtesy: The Telegraph

 

This business of denying bail to people suspected of having indulged in fraud and of breaking the laws of this land before they are proven guilty through a legitimate trial can set the wrong precedent for the future. It could lead to misuse of the tenets of jurisprudence enshrined in statute books. Vendettas could take precedence over real truths, and the authority in power could make a mockery of justice. Surely, the national enforcement agencies can operate in a water-tight, efficient manner and ensure that those on bail do not tamper with evidence. If they cannot, then they need to undergo retraining in their jobs.

On the basis of word-of-mouth reports that emanate from the 2G court room in New Delhi, it is being alleged that the high-profile inmates run their businesses each morning from the court. The discomfort of a life in jail does not seem to have had an impact on their businesses that continue unchecked. Their clout within the political, administrative and enforcement establishments keeps them buoyant. The fact that they have all the dope on key individuals in the system who meticulously facilitated their corrupt and illegal operations protects them. Will the noose be thrown over the heads of those in the bureaucracy and the political class who are involved in this process?

India has been in the throes of corruption and maladministration for decades. In 1975, with the declaration of Emergency, this country went through contortions that left it maimed. The coalition that came to power in 1977, one that had promised to undo the illegalities of governance, did not restore civil society and the rule of law. Like its predecessor, it utilized the illegalities to its own advantage. The crumbling of the edifice began with that grave inability to undo injustice. Thereafter, it has been convenient and lucrative for every political dispensation to manipulate the system.

Many doubts

The courts having to take over the role of the executive is a frightening reality. It is comparable to martial-law ruling within a democratic framework that will further corrode Indian democracy, leading it towards an implosion that could completely destabilize South Asia. Institutional checks and balances are imperative in liberal societies, devolved upon through processes that respect honesty and integrity.

The 2G spectrum scam has become symbolic of many ‘changes’. The fact that a Central cabinet minister went to jail had a salutary impact on the capital city where those in power are seen to be running amok. Corporate executives followed the minister to jail, but those who ordered them to do the wrong roam free. This is being questioned only because the arrested employees did not get bail.

The question being asked is this: why arrest and deny bail to men who were following the orders of their bosses while the latter continue to conduct their businesses and could well be destroying evidence? The other demand that is becoming more vociferous is this: why have the bureaucrats and politicos who facilitated the fraud, and without whom none of this could have happened, gone unpunished? The question raises other possibilities. Are some individuals being made scapegoats? Is another ‘fraud’ being enacted on the public? Why are some people being protected and others being denied bail? Is the government serious about the cleansing process, or are these token measures to assuage public anger?

We must bring correctness into play if we are to hold our heads high in this climate of scams. We must be proud that our system allows for correctives. To have doubts that there is a ‘scam’ happening within the process of cleansing could be more shameful than the scam itself.

Assam CPM: Congress Victory Surprises One & All

Courtesy: People's Democracy

In Assam, the Congress swept the elections to the legislative assembly by winning 78 out of the 126 seats, while the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) faced complete rout. The All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) and the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) also improved their tallies and the Trinamul Congress managed to open its account by winning one seat. The Left parties failed to open an account.

UNEXPECTED RESULTS

Initially, when the campaigns for elections started, a wind of change was blowing. Then, as soon as the fate of the contesting candidates was sealed in the electronic voting machines (EVMs), it was widely predicted that a hung assembly was in the offing. Results of the Assam legislative assembly elections were, however, rather unexpected. The number of seats the Congress won surprised even the diehard Congressmen. Here the Congress was expecting to improve over its 2006 performance of 53 seats and was yet looking out for coalition partners. But finally, when the results were declared, the writing on the wall was clear — the Congress won an absolute majority in the 126 member state assembly by winning 78 seats. This is much above the majority mark of 64 in the assembly. Despite winning a majority, however, the Congress is likely to form the next government with its coalition partner --- the BPF led by Hagrama Mohilary. The BPF managed to keep its hold on the Bodo heartland and improved its tally by winning 12 seats. Although the BPF was a coalition partner, it had had no pre-poll alliance with the Congress.

The main opposition, the AGP which ruled Assam twice in the past, was nearly wiped out in the 2011 battle of ballots. The regional party faced a humiliating defeat and managed to win only 10 seats — down from 24 in the 2006 elections. This despite its relentless campaign to oust the Congress from power by forging a “grand alliance” of all opposition parties. Questions have now arisen over whether the AGP would be able to withstand the humiliating defeat. Its president Chandra Mohan Patowary and former president Brindaban Goswami, were among the top losers from the party, which has been in the wilderness since 2001. The AGP leadership was shocked by the result and just could not believe the verdict.

The fate of the BJP is also similar as the party failed to reach its 2006 tally of 10 seats and had to be content with only 5. The AIUDF, led by Badruddin Ajmal, managed to win 18 seats and emerged as the largest opposition party in the assembly. However, there will be no leader of opposition in the state assembly this time since it requires a minimum of 21 seats to get the post. Ajmal’s dream to become a kingmaker and to be a part of the new government was also shattered with the Congress’s absolute majority win and the AGP’s dismal performance. The Congress has already reached a position to be able to form the government on its own. The combined strength of the Congress with its ally, the BPF, is now 90 in the 126-member house.

The Left parties had reasons to expect a better performance in the elections. But the results belied all expectations. The Left, including the CPI(M), could not win any seat. In the last assembly, the CPI(M) had two representatives and the CPI one. This time, there will be no representative from the Left inside the assembly.

LOSSES TO AGP & BJP

In terms of percentage of votes, the Congress got 39.38 per cent votes (contesting all 126 seats) followed by the AGP — 16.30 per cent (contesting 104 seats), AIUDF — 12.58 per cent (contesting 78 seats), BJP — 11.46 per cent (123 seats) and the BPF — 6.14 per cent (29 seats). Among the Left, the CPI(M) secured 1.13 per cent (contesting 17 seats), CPI — 0.52 per cent (16 seats) and the CPI(ML) 0.18 per cent (contesting 8 seats). Significantly, in 2006, the Congress had secured 31.07 per cent of votes while the AGP had received 20.39 per cent, BJP 11.98 per cent and the AIUDF 9.02 per cent.

Significantly and also surprisingly, the regional AGP has failed to win even a single seat in 21 out of the total 27 districts and its representation has been limited to the districts of Nagaon, Lakhimpur, Bongaigaon, Hailakandi, Sonitpur and Udalguri. Of the 24 sitting AGP MLAs, only four could win from the constituencies of Bongaigaon, Sootea, Barhampur and Kaliabor. The other six winners of the party were from North Abhayapuri, Biswanath, Kalaigaon, Lakhimpur, Dhakuakhana and Algapur. Similarly, the BJP too failed to win even a single seat from 23 districts. The five seats of the BJP are confined in four districts only — one elected representative each from the districts of Dibrugarh, Tinsukia and Kamrup, and two from Barpeta. The BJP has completely been wiped out in the three Barak Valley districts of Cachar, Hailakandi and Karimganj, where the party had its strongholds. The state president of the BJP, Ranjit Dutta, too had to face a humiliating defeat. Out of the 10 constituencies where the BJP won in the 2006 elections, only one it could retain. It lost the other 9 seats. This time, the BJP won in Sorbhog and Patacharkuchi seats in Barpeta district, Kamalpur in Kamrup, Dumdooma in Tinsukia and Dibrugarh seat in Dibrugarh district.

The 10 seats won by the AIUDF in 2006 came from the Barak Valley (3 seats) and from Brahmaputra valley (7 seats) — from the districts of Nagaon (4 seats) and Dhubri (3 seats). This time, the party extended its influence to the lower Assam districts of Barpeta, Goalpara and Kamrup. In Barpeta district, the AIUDF wrested five seats from the Congress and the AGP. The party also wrested the Boko seat in Kamrup district from the AGP. In Goalpara district, the party won three out of the four seats. The AIUDF has a strong presence among the immigrant Muslim settlers in the state.
 
The Congress performed beyond expectations all over the state including the Barak Valley where the BJP lost its stronghold. The party also did well in the Hill districts of North-Cachar and Karbi Anglong. The Congress gained among the indigenous population and retained its hold over the tea garden population. The “peace and development” slogan of the ruling Congress has contributed greatly to the overwhelming victory of the party in Assam. Apart from the “peace, development and stability,” political observers feel the initiation of the peace dialogue with the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) also contributed to a large extent. The Congress under Tarun Gogoi’s leadership had come to power in 2001 with 71 seats, by defeating the AGP. Gogoi led the Congress to a second term in 2006, but managed just 53 seats. He was forced to go in for a coalition ministry sharing power with the BPF. “In 2006, we took a number of welfare and development schemes. This time, these schemes have been implemented and development has become visible,” claimed Gogoi. Regarding corruption, especially the multi-crore NC Hills fund scam that rocked his government, Gogoi felt appropriate damage control steps at the right time salvaged the situation.

DEBACLE OF THE LEFT

The final outcome of the election results meant a great setback to the Left parties. The two Left parties — the CPI(M) and the CPI  — drew a blank this time. In 2006, the CPI(M) had won two seats (Sorbhog and Rangia) and the CPI one (the Nazira seat).
 
The CPI(M), in its state committee meeting held on May 17-18, made a preliminary review of the election results. It has further decided to identify its weaknesses and shortcomings and to make a detailed review from the lower levels. In its preliminary review, the CPI(M) pointed out that the sitting Sorbhog seat was wrested by the BJP. The party got only 20,609 votes while the BJP managed to secure 40,716 votes. There has been a significant erosion of votes and the party candidate secured fourth position. The Rangia seat too was captured by the Congress. The CPI(M) candidate got 23,274 votes while the Congress got 34,197 votes. The party came third in the Rangia seat. In the Sootia constituency in Sonitpur district, the party candidate could secure 32,341 votes and came second. The AGP retained the seat with a victory margin of 12,737 votes. In Bijni constituency, the CPI(M) candidate secured 22,151 votes and came third. The Bijni seat was retained by the BPF candidate who secured 39,861 votes. In the other constituencies where the CPI(M) had fielded candidates, the votes polled by the party are shown in the brackets: Sadiya (4,116), Naharkatia (2,669), Dhakuakhana (2,033), Hojai (1,577), Rangapara (7,795), Dhekiajuli (1,903), Nalbari (4,613), Dispur (3,312), Jania (6,450), Sarukhetri (8,517), Abhayapuri-North (2,844), Silchar (6,163) and Patharkandi (6,234).

In its preliminary review, the CPI(M) state committee stated, “The major factor in the debacle is the weakened strength of the party organisation and non-expansion of the mass organisations and mass activities. There is a big erosion in many constituencies in our support base..... It is also to be noted that simply basing on our own strength, our party cannot win a single seat and therefore the support of other democratic sections is necessary and important.”

There were issues galore for the opposition against the ruling Congress. The galloping rise in the prices of essential commodities, allegations of neck-deep corruption and scandals, the burning problem of unemployment etc cornered the Congress during election campaigns. An anti-incumbency factor was also perceptible. However, the ruling party managed to woo and win the voters by introducing and implementing various welfare schemes and distributing freebies on the eve of the elections. The money-power of the Congress also played a role.

The AGP’s advocacy for a “grand alliance” also confused the voters. The regional party sought to unify all the anti-Congress parties, including the BJP, AIUDF and the Left, and the voters firmly rejected such an unprincipled and opportunistic proposal. The Left parties too flatly rejected the AGP proposal. The division of secular opposition votes has contributed immensely to the landslide victory of the Congress. The CPI(M) state committee, in its report, said, “The division of votes and absence of an alternative for a stable government has also contributed to the victory of the Congress candidates. The slogan of a ‘grand alliance’ mooted by the AGP leadership contributed to the confusion among the people.”

CRIMINALS & CROREPATIS

AGP leader and former chief minister Prafulla Kumar Mohanta accused the ruling party of manipulating the electronic voting machines (EVMs). State BJP president Ranjit Dutta also expressed doubts about the EVMs. Nine opposition parties — the AGP, AIUDF, Gana Shakti, NCP, CPI(ML), Samajvadi Party, Samata Party, All India Trinamul Congress and the ASDC jointly held a meeting at the AGP headquarters on May 18 last and condemned the use of EVMs in elections. They suspected tempering of the machines by the ruling Congress and decided to organise campaigns against the use of EVMs.

It is also noteworthy that out of the 50 crorepatis who had contested the 2011 assembly polls, 47 have won. Of the crorepatis who won, 31 are from the Congress, six from the AGP, four from the BPF, and one crorepati each from the AIUDF, BJP and Trinamul. Dwipen Pathak, Trinamul’s lone winner (from Hajo constituency), among 107 candidates fielded by the party, is sixth on the list of crorepati victors. He also has the dubious distinction of being the winner with most criminal cases against his name. in fact the 13th Assam assembly will not only have 47 crorepatis but at least 13 MLAs who have criminal records against their names --- as against seven MLAs with criminal cases in 2006.

More Trouble for DMK: Dayanidhi Maran at the centre of a scandal

CBI may name Dayanidhi Maran, Maxis in Aircel ownership FIR
Courtesy: Economic Times

NEW DELHI: The Central Bureau of Investigation is likely to name Dayanidhi Maran, Union textile minister, and Malaysian telecom firm Maxis in an FIR relating to investigations surrounding the ownership change in Aircel, the Chennai-based cellular company.

The FIR is likely to be filed before July 6, when the Supreme Court reopens after the summer break, CBI officials said. It will be a follow-up to the preliminary enquiry (PE) registered by the agency on the orders of the apex court. The inquiry was supposed to examine decisions taken by the telecom ministry in the six years ended 2007.

"Yes, we are at an advanced stage of investigations into the case. We will be in a position to file the FIR before July 6," a CBI official added. The case relates to the takeover of Aircel by Maxis Communications in 2006. Aircel was owned at that time by C Sivasankaran, an NRI serial entrepreneur often referred to as Siva.

Maxis is controlled by T Ananda Krishnan, a successful Malaysian businessman of Sri Lankan Tamil origin. CBI officials investigating the case believe that Siva was under pressure to strike a deal.

This pressure came about, the CBI is likely to allege in the FIR, because of the actions of Dayanidhi Maran, then the Union telecom minister, who did not clear Aircel's application for licences and spectrum. As a result Aircel sold its stake to Maxis whose promoter was also close to the Maran family, the officials add.

The family of Pratap C Reddy, the chairman of Apollo Hospitals also bought a 26% stake. The officials probing the case are also investigating if an investment of Rs 830 crore by Krishnan's Astro All Asia Networks in Sun Direct TV was linked to Maxis' buyout of Siva. Sun Direct is a part of the Sun Group owned by Kalanidhi Maran, the brother of the textiles minister and southern India's largest vernacular language broadcaster.

ET wrote to Dayanidhi Maran for his comments on the issue through email and fax. Rajesh Malhotra, director, media and communications in the ministry of textiles replied through an SMS that the minister does not want to comment. He refused to reply through an email.

In a story in its edition dated February 15, 2011, we reported that the CBI was interested in the transaction between Sun Direct and Astro. If the current thinking of the CBI finds its way into a FIR and later a chargesheet the agency would have to account for the fact that while the investment by Astro in Sun Direct was announced in April 2007, the money flowed in later, in 2008 when Dayanidhi was no longer a minister.

In May 2007 Maran had to quit when he and his brother were sidelined by the then Tamil Nadu CM, M Karunanidhi, following an intra-family tussle. The Marans later recoincled with Karunanidhi. In a communication in February, Sun had strongly denied any quid pro quo between Dayanidhi Maran and Astro of Malaysia.

Responding to the ET report on the issue in February, Sun said that the MoU with Astro was signed in 1997 when Aircel was not even in existence.

"The entire investment made by Astro is transparent and has been done after obtaining permission from foreign investment promotion board, cabinet committee on economic affairs and other regulatory authorities. So, we cannot be linked to the spectrum controversy," the statement had said.

The FIR, if and when it is filed, is likely to cause embarrassment to the Maran family whose clout in swinging deals is very well known. In 2006, the Maran brothers were at the height of their powers. The Sun group was expanding furiously, while Dayanidhi Maran, as union telecom minister was a much sought-after man. The break with their uncle and patriarch of the DMK party, M Karunanidhi, was still a year away.

CBI officials believe that the delay in granting licence and spectrum to Aircel was a 'ploy' to get them to sell to Maxis. A person, who was close to the negotiations between Siva and Maxis at that time, confirmed that pressure was brought upon the former to dispose off his stake. Siva did not have any choice, he added. C Sivasankaran could not be contacted despite repeated attempts. After the case is registered, the CBI will be sending a Letter Rogatory (LR) to Mauritius seeking details of the investment made in Sun Direct TV.

Reddy family stake in Aircel being probed

The CBI is also probing the exact nature of Pratap Reddy family's stake in Aircel. Preetha Reddy, the MD of Apollo Hospitals Enterprise, said that Dr Prathap Reddy or Apollo Hospitals "does own even a single share in Aircel." Two different sources inside Apollo said it was one of Prathap Reddy's sons-in-law who was involved with the deal with Maxis.

The Aircel website says the company is a joint venture between Maxis Communications of Malaysia and Sindya Securities & Investments, "whose current shareholders are the Reddy family of Apollo Hospitals." Maxis owns a 74% stake.

A 2008 draft Red Herring prospectus of Apollo Health Street identifies Sindya's shareholders as P Dwarkanath Reddy and Ms Suneeta Reddy, executive director (finance), Apollo Hospital and Prathap Reddy's daughter. Dwarkanath is Suneeta Reddy's husband. Suneeta Reddy is also the past chairperson of Aircel.

On being asked why Apollo's annual report mentions Aircel and Sindya as companies in which key management personnel of Apollo are able to exercise significant influence, Preetha Reddy said "It's only because we are doing a call centre for Aircel - a m-health initiative." The statement is just "routine and mandatory."

Suneeta Reddy, director of Apollo Hospitals, said she was busy in a meeting and cannot take calls. According to a statement on the Maxis website two years ago, the Malaysian company had openly declared that it had 99.3% economic interest in Aircel.

"With equity interest of 74% in Aircel, comprising 65% direct interest and 9% indirect interest and 100% subscription of cumulative redeemable non-convertible preference shares in Deccan Digital, this effectively gives the group 99.3% economic returns from the investment in Aircel," the disclosure says.

Maxis reaffirmed in its quarterly results of that period that it has accounted for the Indian operations' results as a 26% associate using equity accounting from January 6, 2006, to March 20, 2006 (74 days), and subsequently consolidated as a subsidiary of the group at 99.3% economic interest.

Simply put, Maxis funded almost the entire investment of the Reddy family in the deal. This gives Maxis the right to buy out the Reddy stake in Deccan Digital Networks (DDN). DDN, a JV between Maxis and the Reddys, owns 35% of Aircel. DDN had bought the stake for $378 million and of this, $10 million was raised as equity.

The remaining was raised via preference shares, with the Reddys direct investment worth under $8 million. The remaining amount was through quasi-debt, funded almost completely by Maxis. The statement does not exist on the website anymore. Maxis officials could not be contacted for their comments.

UP: RLD in Cong touch as clock ticks for tie-up

Courtesy: Indian Express

 

The Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) is still in talks with the Congress for poll alliance ahead of the Assembly elections scheduled in Uttar Pradesh next year.

RLD chief Ajit Singh today said that his party is in regular talks with the Congress. The RLD has already formed Lok Kranti Morcha comprising UP-based smaller parties like Peace Party of India, Bhartiya Samaj Party and Janwadi party. However, Singh did not disclose the possible shape of his alliance with the Congress in the present political situation.

“We had talked to the Congress in the past and we are still continuing that,” Singh said while speaking to media persons in Lucknow today.

Following the decision of the Samajwadi Party to declare its list of candidates, RLD is apparently in trouble. “The SP has dropped enough hints that it might go alone in the Assembly polls by declaring its candidates for most of the Assembly constituencies in western UP,” a source in the RLD said. Now the Congress party is a major hope for RLD to form a front against Mayawati in UP. 

BJP criticises TDP president for 'regretting' alliance with NDA

Chandra Babu Naidu regretted his support to the Atal Bihari Vajpayee led NDA government as he alienated the minorities from his party the TDP in Andhra Pradesh. Jayalalaithaa in Tamil Nadu found herself in a similar position because of her support to the BJP. To break that image, Jayalalaithaa stooped the level of arresting the Kanchi Seer, Jayendra Saraswati on false charges, a step she believed would endear herself back again to the minorities.  

This remains the problem for the BJP, which does not have a presence in nearly half the parliamentary constituencies in the country. To makeup this deficiency it needs allies but political parties are wary of tying up with the BJP to avoid their the medium to long term political prospects taking a nose dive.

Courtesy: DNA

BJP unit of Andhra Pradesh today criticised the reported statement of TDP president N Chandrababu Naidu wherein he expressed 'regrets' for his association with erstwhile NDA government.

Talking to reporters here, AP BJP chief G Kishan Reddy said that Naidu could come to power in Andhra Pradesh in 1999 only because of former Prime Minsiter Atal Bihari Vajpayee when TDP had allied with BJP.

Naidu had sworn in as chief minister of Andhra Pradesh in October 1999 for the seond term.

Stating that Naidu's statement is highly objectionable, Reddy asked him not to blame BJP for the sake of minority votes.

While addressing party's annual meeting (Mahanadu) at Gandipet near here recently, Naidu had said that TDP lost the confidence of Muslims in the aftermath of Godhra incident in Gujarat although the party made repeated efforts to garner support of the minority community.

Meanwhile, BJP accused the Kiran Kumar Reddy government of adopting anti-farmer policies with the state BJP chief saying that the Congress government has miserably failed in mitigating woes of the paddy farmers.

The state government had promised to provide minimum support price (MSP) to farmers for purchasing paddy, but it only bought 10% to 11% of it while 85% was stiffened off by the middlemen and hoarders thus causing loss to farmers, Reddy told reporters at a press conference here.

In a separate statement, BJP state minority Morcha president Haneef Ali also condemned the statement of Naidu saying the downfall of TDP in Andhra Pradesh was due to its anti-farmer policies.

Manipur: Congress sweeps Imphal civic elections, again

Courtesy: Times of India

IMPHAL: The Congress has swept the Imphal Municipal Council elections, counting for which concluded on Monday, for the second consecutive term.

The party won 14 of the 27 wards spread across parts of the restive Imphal West and Imphal East valley districts, the opposition Trinamool Congress opened its account with one seat. The BJP and the CPI, a coalition partner of the Secular Progressive Front government, got a seat each. The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) won two seats. Of the eight successful Independent candidates, two were backed by the Congress.

Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) president G Gaikhangam claimed that the civic poll results "indicated that our party will get absolute majority in the next assembly elections likely to be held in the early half of 2012". He added, "It`s evident that the people of Imphal trust the Congress because the party strives to fulfill their aspirations. We work for the welfare of the people. We will continue to serve the state in all spheres."

The PCC chief claimed that with two Congress-backed Independent candidates winning the polls, the party has virtually won 16 seats.

He added, "We are confident about returning to power for the third consecutive time."

Gaikhangam, who had sacrificed his ministerial berth to strengthen the Congress, said the party has begun its groundwork for the 2010 assembly elections. The PCC announced to felicitate all its victorious candidates soon, he added.

Uttar Pradesh polls: Congress plans to rope in RLD

Courtesy: India Today

The assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh are barely a year away and the Congress is starting to get desperate in its attempt to shore up sturdy electoral alliances. The party is exploring all options, including tying up with smaller parties to eat into the ruling BSP's vote bank and scrape a win in the crucial assembly polls scheduled for early next year.

Party insiders said senior leaders discussed the possibilities of roping in smaller parties such as the Ajit Singh-led Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), the Apna Dal and the Peace Party to bolster the Congress's prospects in the upcoming elections. Senior leaders discussed the alliance possibilities on the sidelines of the recent Varanasi convention of the UP Congress Committee.

A victory in the heartland state is a must for the Congress if it wishes to recapture power at the Centre in the 2014 general elections, when Rahul Gandhi is most likely to be named the party's candidate for Prime Ministership.

Congress leaders widely believe that Rahul taking up the cudgels on behalf of 'wronged' farmers in Bhatta and Parsaul villages of Greater Noida and his subsequent arrest has boosted the morale of the party cadre in the state. The Congress now needs to build on it through social engineering and proper alliances.

But AICC general secretary Digvijaya Singh, who held discussions with Ajit Singh, ruled out forging an electoral pact with the Samajwadi Party (SP). Party spokesperson Akhilesh Pratap also said the Congress won't align with the SP. "People have not forgotten the goonda raj of the Mulayam Singh government. We want to finish the SP. Why would we revive it by aligning with it?" This won't be music to the ears of SP chief Mulayam Singh Yadav, who has of late been desperate to please the Congress, even backing the party when it rejected the Murli Manohar Joshi-led Public Accounts Committee (PAC) report on the 2G spectrum scam.

A surprise harvest of 22 MPs from UP with hardly any party machinery had considerably altered the electoral dynamic of the state in 2009. If the Congress manages to get this tally under its fold, it should win about 150-odd assembly seats in the 402-member House this time.

Though Rahul supporters have no hesitation in claiming that the Congress would emerge Number 2, if not the winner, in the next state elections, many in the party advocate caution, keeping in mind the string of scams and political setbacks that it has recently suffered. Party veterans such as Vasant Sathe, C.K. Jaffer Sharif and R.K. Dhawan have already articulated their fears in a couched manner.

While Rahul and his supporters are dead against any alliance with the SP, some leaders suggest the party should not get complacent and not take the runaway victory of 2009 general elections as a benchmark. They instead favour a strong Congress-SP-RLD alliance, saying it has the power to sweep the state polls.

They claim this would also bring stability to the Manmohan Singh government as the SP and RLD together would fetch a solid block of 27 MPs (the two parties are currently 'outside supporters').

Former UP chief minister and senior leader Jagdambika Pal said the party may go it alone, as there is a pro-Congress wave in the state, thanks to Rahul. But the recent elections in five states have reinforced the view of the pragmatists in the party that the 'go-it-alone policy' may not be advisable. The party is also planning similar political engineering in Andhra Pradesh. While it has left the option of re-aligning with its former ally Telangana Rashtra Samithi open, it has managed to get the Chiranjeevi-led Praja Rajyam Party merge with it.

UP: Congress in Mission Mode

If Congress in UP sets its own house in order, it could well give Mayawati a good fight in next year's assembly elections
Courtesy: Hardnews

 

 

 

It's called Mission 2012. The goal: To capture power by dislodging the Mayawati government. The campaign was formally launched by Congress president Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi on May 18 in Varanasi. The occasion was the 83rd convention of the UP Congress Committee (UPCC), where they asked party leaders and workers to prepare for the long fight ahead.

Inaugurating the convention, Rahul Gandhi promised to visit every district of UP and lead the way in taking struggle of the farmers at Bhatta-Parsaul to every village, town and city. Commenting on the erosion of the Congress vote bank, he expressed disinterest in all talk of vote-bank politics, speaking of the poor as the real vote bank. He said the party does not lack a poll plank in the state as there are numerous people's issues, as in Bundelkhand, Noida and Shravasti, for instance. He asked the workers to stop wasting time and energy in blaming their political rivals like Samajwadi Party, BSP, BJP and Peace Party, and focus instead on what they can do for the common man.
 
Lack of development in the last 20 years and large-scale corruption during the Mayawati regime were flagged as major issues, besides the need to educate people about large-scale discrepancies in Centre-funded schemes like MGNREGA, Education for All, Midday Meal and National Rural Health Mission (NRHM). Rahul also pointed out that the Mayawati government was not properly implementing the central government's special package for Bundelkhand.

A pre-poll alliance with any party in 2012 assembly polls was ruled out. The reason, perhaps, is that despite the unwillingness of the Samajwadi Party in the last Lok Sabha polls to give Congress more than 10 seats, and even though political analysts were predicting a tally of less than five seats, the party fought on its own strength and won more than 20 seats.

Interestingly, Rahul was informed of a dharna that had been staged by some Congress workers from Varanasi seeking the removal of Digvijaya Singh from the post of AICC general secretary. The protestors alleged that he was giving more importance to those who had only recently joined the party at the cost of ignoring old loyalists. Grasping the seriousness of the situation, Digvijaya Singh had apologised to the party workers.

Dissatisfaction was also expressed with the manner in which the state executive of UPCC was constituted - important positions were given to a few leaders despite their alleged involvement in scams.

Addressing a public meeting at Beniabagh in Varanasi, Sonia Gandhi launched a scathing attack on the Mayawati government, talking about the recent atrocities on farmers in Gautam Buddha Nagar district. She reminded the audience of all the "good work" carried out 22 years ago, during the Congress regime, in the fields of agriculture, industry, irrigation, power, education and health.

Concerns were also raised about the running of UP hospitals without proper doctors and medicines, and the sale of sugar mills to the private sector. Both BJP and BSP were blamed for having agreed to a six-month government-by-rotation arrangement, which Congress sees as a major factor that blocked the state's development.

To an audience that included many Muslims - several of them weavers from eastern UP - the Congress president held the state government responsible for the pitiable condition of weavers, despite the Rs 3,000 crore package released by the UPA government, which had also reduced the excise duty to bring down the cost of silk yarn. She asserted that the failure of implementation is because of the absence of a Congress government in the state.

Significantly, Union Minister Salman Khurseed, the Muslim face of the party, was prominent in the proceedings of the convention, and it was he who moved the political resolutions stating that UP had witnessed caste and communal politics during the regimes of Janata Party, Janata Dal, BJP, Samajwadi Party and BSP.

Prominent Kurmi leader and Union Minister Beni Prasad Verma emphasised that Congress was fighting to bring about a positive change in the state. Criticising the rise in crime against Dalits, PL Punia, Chairman, National Commission for Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes, and MP from Barabanki, said the Mayawati government had failed to care for the interests of the oppressed community.
 
State president Rita Bahuguna credited the success of the UPCC convention to Rahul and Sonia Gandhi, for setting the agenda to bring the Congress back to power in UP. Congress leaders and workers like Sardar Singh from Mathura and Rita Mishra from Padrauna expressed their enthusiasm for Rahul Gandhi's promised presence in every area to lead the agitation against the Mayawati government.

Infighting at every level is the biggest problem, pointed out Congress workers from all over the state. It was suggested that a few districts could be allotted to various Union ministers, each of whom could then undertake extensive tours of the assigned area, and show more interest in doing whatever they can to develop it through their own ministries. Such efforts, it was felt, would raise the people's confidence in the party. There were also requests to finalise the list of candidates by end-May to give a head start to the campaign in various places. In fact, the Samajwadi Party came in for some praise at the Congress convention for having taken a lead in declaring its list of candidates.

Political analysts feel that the blueprint of Mission 2012, if rigorously and consistently pursued, could end up making Congress the main rival to the ruling BSP, although it is too early to predict who would finally win. Only 2012 will tell.

Centre assures financial help to W Bengal to tide over crisis

Both Mamata and Jayalalaithaa maybe mirror images of each other in many ways and even succeeded in victories in similar scale in the recently concluded assembly elections. Both may promised the moon to voters even when their respective state exchequers are bankrupt. But Mamata is better placed, being a member of the UPA. Pranab Mukherjee, central finance minister and Congress bigwig is not only from West Bengal but in some way obliged to Mamata to getting his son elected to the assembly. So it is no surprise that the Centre was prompt to assure West Bengal of financial assistance. Tamil Nadu may have to wait to be bailed out till after the Sonia-Jayalalaithaa's tea party.

Courtesy: Economic Times

KOLKATA: Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee today assured that West Bengal would be provided all assistance to tide over its financial crisis.

"Whatever short-term assistance is required will be provided and after discussions a long-term plan for the state's financial recovery will be taken," Mukherjee told newsmen after a meeting with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee at his residence.

Accepting that the situation was 'difficult', Mukherjee said in the presence of Banerjee that it had been agreed at their meeting that long and short-term assistance was necessary for the state.

Stating that his talks with the chief minister were positive, the senior Congress leader said, "All help will be extended to the state government to fulfill the mandate that the people have given to this government."

Banerjee said, "It has been decided to formulate short-term, long-term and mid-term strategies to tide over the crisis, which is worse than the devastating cyclone Aila."

She said officers of the Centre and the state government would first hold discussions to work out measures to tide over the financial crisis to be followed by a meeting between state finance minister Amit Mitra and Pranab Mukherjee.

"Later, when I go to Delhi for the Plan discussions, I will meet Pranabda and hold further discussions with him to find out how a healthy financial situation can be created for the state," she said.

"As Pranab-da belongs to this state, it is our belief that he will provide all help so that the people are benefitted," she said.

Banerjee also invited the Union Finance Minister for a cup of tea at the Writers' Buildings, while saying with a smile, "the sweets will be brought by Pranabda".

Mukherjee said, "I accept the invitation." Others present at the meeting were state Finance Minister Amit Mitra, Industry and IT Minister Partha Chatterjee, Union Expenditure Secretary Sumit Bose, Chief Secretary Samar Ghosh and state Finance Secretary C M Bachawat.

With Jayalalaithaa at the helm, inter-state relationships already take a hit

During her last tenure as CM, Jayalalaithaa whipped up sentiments on Cauvery River that resulted in hundreds of people dying due to violence in both Tamil Nadu and Karnataka and crores of properties destroyed. Apparently the leopard can't change its spots. Jayalalaithaa now opposes the re-construction of the Mullaperiyar, whose existing structure is in precarious condition, threatening the lives and properties of millions of Keralites downstream, if it bursts. If it does, Jayalalaithaa and her PWD Minister should be tried for crimes against humanity!

TN won''t allow construction of new Mullaperiyar dam: Minister
Courtesy: IBNLIVE

Erode (TN), May 29 (PTI) Tamil Nadu Public Works Department Minister K V Ramalingam today said the state would not allow Kerala to construct a new dam across Mullaperiyar in place of the existing over century-old reservoir. "The Tamil Nadu Government will not allow Kerala Government to construct a dam in Mullaperiyar, as the present dam is stable and strong, which was examined already by an expert team consisting of qualified engineers," Ramalingam said.

The minister told reporters that linking of rivers flowing in the state would solve the water scarcity problem and the government would take steps to link rivers flowing in Tamil Nadu. "Linking of rivers will solve water and irrigational problems and the present AIADMK Government led by Jayalalithaa will insist on the Union Government for linking of rivers," he said.

The Mullaperiyar dam on the Kerala-Tamil Nadu border has been a bone of contention between the states for a long time. Kerala holds that the dam, built during British rule, is in a precarious condition and if it breaks, millions of people in downstream areas would be in danger. The state conducted a survey for construction of a new dam, which was opposed by Tamil Nadu, which benefits mostly from the reservoir. The issue has also been pending for long in the apex Court, which about a year back set up a high-powered panel headed by former Chief Justice of India Justice A S Anand to study the matter and seek to evolve an amicable settlement.

Assam: Riding a wave that refuses to ebb

Courtesy: Tehelka

 

 

WHEN SEPTUAGENARIAN Tarun Gogoi became Chief Minister of Assam for the first time in 2001, his rather blunt — even politically incorrect — utterances were seen as harbingers of certain doom. But his stable performance over two terms earned him the sobriquet gaonburah (village headman) and the opposition could not unsettle him either on the plank of corruption or on illegal migration from Bangladesh. The peace process with insurgents also helped the Congress’ fortunes.

“I am not bothered about corruption. This government has given me irrigation, a handpump for clean drinking water, cycles for my daughters to go to school. I am told my younger daughter would get a laptop from the government if she does well in her board exams. That is why I voted for Congress although I was with the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) in the beginning,” says Sunil Das, a peasant from Dhekiajuli.

The AGP, which had been the principal opposition party in the state, has been in a freefall for a long time. The Congress has swept the length and breadth of Assam, its ally in the last government, the Bodoland Peoples’ Front (BPF) has retained its bastion in the Bodo heartland while the Maulana Badruddin Ajmal-led All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) has emerged as the main opposition, thus posing a new challenge for the Congress in the next term to hold on to its traditional Muslim votebank and to check the volatile minority-migrant politics that Ajmal has been playing in Assam for a decade.

People seem to see a clear difference between the Gogoi and Prafulla Mahanta regimes. “In 1996, the regime failed to pay salaries to employees,” says Shubhra Deka of Dibrugarh. “There was hardly any development and killings were rampant. But Gogoi has delivered. We do not mind if people make money out of development works if the masses benefit.”

Gogoi’s forceful rhetoric about the lack of an alternative to the ruling Congress seems to have hit the bull’s eye. Out of the 126 seats in the state Assembly, BPF, which got 12 seats, had Gogoi’s strong backing. The AGP (10 seats) and the BJP appeared to be clueless during the campaign, with party president Chandramohan Patowary and senior leaders Brindaban Goswami and Atul Bora losing their seats. The BJP was reduced to five seats, with its party president Ranjit Dutta losing his own, highlighting the need for a new leadership.

The third-time CM also sees himself as a mass leader who knows how to remain acceptable to the people. As he puts it: “I can sense what the grassroots want. So observers can term my policies as populist. That’s their choice but people have given their mandate in favour of my schemes, and it is not like we run the schemes with Central funds; many of them are totally financed by the state government. It is not easy to hold on to power for a decade, anti-incumbency is bound to come, but I have pushed forward anything that I thought is in the interest of the common people very passionately. That has worked.”

The achievement is remarkable, especially since Gogoi never led a mass movement like Assam’s first CM Gopinath Bordoloi did. He is not witty, like another ex-CM, Hiteshwar Saikia. Yet, he has clicked. “It is his never-say-die attitude that has rejuvenated the Congress in Assam," says Tinat Atifa Masood, a talented writer who is compiling Gogoi’s biography. “People love him for his sense of humour. He is not your regular politician. He is very open-hearted.” Some admirers says he exudes positive energy, which is why his personality attracts people. Gogoi modestly says it is because the opposition has failed to perform its duties. “Tell me one instance where they have been able to push my government to rethink on any policy,” he asks. “They have never been constructive. It would be bad if Assam is left with no opposition.” In his current position, he can be generous.

Born in Rangajan tea estate in Upper Assam’s Jorhat district, where his father Kamaleshwar Gogoi worked as a doctor, Gogoi started taking interest in politics in secondary school. His icon was Jawaharlal Nehru. “I first saw Nehru when I was in Class 3 and became a fan. I felt inspired to do something that helps people,” he says. As a student, he loved playing pranks. His hostel superintendent Lakhi Dutta shouted at him because was busy polishing shoes while others were studying. Dutta had warned him that he would be left with no option but to polish shoes for life if he did not clear his Class 10. This is exactly what happened. He did, however, clear the exam in his second attempt. But Gogoi’s love for shoes continues to remain.

“The good thing about Gogoi is that he is not a power monger,” says Wasbir Hussain, senior journalist, who has followed Gogoi’s rise closely. “Power has come to him, he did not reach out for it even when he was elected MP for the first time in 1971. He was a compromise candidate then. He also does not believe in protégés.”

GOGOI may not be articulate, but he has been the Congress’ crisis manager in Assam. After a successful stint in Delhi as a Parliamentarian and an AICC functionary, he had to rebuild the image of the Congress in Assam when he took charge as state Congress president in 1996. He groomed young leaders, giving them space to grow. Now, his is the last word. He has had his differences with the Assamese and national leadership but there has been no serious dissidence against him. “I have been able to strike a chord with the state leaders and the AICC because all had faith in me,” he explains. “By and large, the party stood by me, albeit at times I had to be firm.”
What really sounded the death knell for the AGP is the absence of a chief ministerial candidate who could match Gogoi’s stature. “The voters perhaps found the opposition confused and voted for stability,” says Harekrishna Deka, former Director General of Police. “The anti-incumbency factor could not be cashed in by the AGP.”

What lies ahead for Gogoi and the Congress? “Development and peace will be my priority since this is what we have promised the people,” says Gogoi. He will push the Centre to resume peace talks with ULFA and other insurgent groups. This will ensure the electorate keeps the faith, because despite desperate attempts from Dispur, tackling corruption is becoming a tall order. Gogoi will have to accommodate some party heavyweights despite their tainted image.

Of course, there are potholes along the way. The rise of Ajmal’s AIUDF will be a cause for worry. Gogoi has always seen the Muslim cleric as a key political adversary. He stood his ground to keep Ajmal away from an alliance with the Congress — had the party gone down that road, it would have cost the Muslim votebank and also hurt Assamese sentiments. At the same time, the CM has never employed nasty tactics when dealing with Ajmal. He chooses to use humour. Like the time he asked, “Who is Badruddin Ajmal?” In the run-up to the polls, Ajmal had reportedly retorted, “Who is Tarun Gogoi?” The reply came through the ballot box.

“He is passionate about issues but does not lose his cool,” is what Gogoi’s wife Dolly had once said. She has always been his main support. After his heart surgery last year, daughter Chandrima and son Gaurav wanted Gogoi to bid farewell to active politics. But he feels he has some unfinished work. “I am not satisfied with my own performance. To put it plainly, I need to do far better. I have plans for Assam,” he adds.

His family will have to wait for at least five years before he hangs up his boots. Meanwhile, for the third time running, the people of Assam have in Tarun Gogoi a CM who dares to call a spade a spade, and can tread the not-so-trodden path, yet sail through smoothly.

Kerala: Oommen Chandy attempts to neutralize the VS factor

The Congress appears to have learnt its lessons well in Kerala. With corruption being a central issue in the recently concluded elections, the party wrest the state away from the LDF by the skin of its teeth. Oommen Chandy attempts a makeover for the scandal tainted UDF by webcasting the entire functioning of his office.

See Oommen Chandy, staff live at work on the Internet
Courtesy: Deccan Chronicle

Soon, the entire world will be able to see every file Kerala Chief Minister Oommen Chandy and his staff move and hear each word they utter.

Taking transparency to a new level, the Chief Minister has decided to webcast functioning of his entire office, located on the third floor of the north block at the government secretariat in Thiruvananthapuram, letting the public see on the Internet the happenings inside.

In his earlier 2004-06 stint, the Chief Minister had webcast functioning of his chamber — a first in the country. This time he has gone a step further and put his entire office up for public scrutiny.

Webcasting allows live video streaming of all that goes on in the Chief Minister’s office, including meetings, redressal of public grievances and activities of staff. All can be viewed on www.keralacm.gov.in.

Why can't Kanimozhi get bail? MJ Akbar strikes the first blow for civil liberties

Kudos to MJ Akbar, Managing Editor of the IndiaToday Group for this excellent post in which he asks, why the Supreme Courts are behaving like Guantanamo Bay where interns are provided no bail by the US Administration who still reserves the right to preach to the world on human rights.

The right to bail is a fundamental right denied to 2G scam accused including A Raja and Kanimozhi. MJ Akbar can not be accused as a DMK stooge as he took a hardline against the DMK and their corruption as nobody else in the country today. Despite IndiaToday own post-poll surveys giving DMK edge; MJ Akbar just ignored it to declare Jayalalaithaa the winner.

Let not this be the  first piece be the last piece on the subject. Let's hope more of our journalists pick up the courage to fight for civil liberties. in the court. Let their voices be heard so that the Supreme Court be forced to stop playing to the galleries and go back to dispensing justice by the law of our land!

You can’t get bail at Guantanamo
Courtesy: MJAkbarblogspot.com

The rich are, as was well said, different from you and I: they have more money. In India, they have more lawyers. Does this mean that they are also more guilty? The law must take its course; no argument about that. What happens, however, when law becomes part of the public discourse?

Justice is not merely judgment, but also process. If the process is flawed the verdict is vitiated. Courts accept this and warn against the inequity inherent in a ‘witch-hunt’ or ‘trial by media’. Civilised jurisprudence is based on evidence and statute, not individual or collective emotion.

Justice rests on a fundamental principle: you are innocent until proven guilty. No wrong can be corrected by an absence of rights. The concept of pro bono has been devised to help those who cannot afford legal counsel, so that they can defend themselves in a trial. A police charge-sheet is the start of a trial, not its conclusion.

If DMK MP Kanimozhi consults astrologers, then she has probably been told that every planet in her constellation has turned retrograde. In the summer of 2009 she was a queen in Chennai and a princess in Delhi. Today, she is defeated in Chennai and the most high-profile prisoner in Delhi. But she is in jail as an accused, not as a convict. There is a world of difference between the two. If she is found guilty after due process, the judges must send her to prison as long as the law permits. But until that decision is made, she is innocent. In the interim, custody can only be a minimalist option, for a special set of reasons, for a finite and reasonable period. Instead, the cbi is demanding, and getting, what seems to be turning into an infinite extension of custody. This is injustice.

India lives by a Constitution that guarantees life and liberty. Bail is not a gift from those who wield temporary power (fortunately, power can only be temporary in a democracy); it is a right. Otherwise, we are one step away from a police state, in which any citizen can be locked up at the arbitrary will of authority. This has happened before, during the Emergency. We thought it would never happen again.

The CBI wants all the accused in the 2G case be kept in jail indefinitely, despite the fact that their interrogation is over, or should be. The courts comply, citing two reasons. One of them is “gravity of the case”. This is inaccurate. As it stands, there is only the gravity of an accusation, not the gravity of the crime. Crime is yet to be proven.

There is more than one opinion about what happened.

The Government of India’s official stand, stated in Parliament by telecom minister Kapil Sibal, is that there was no loss to government.

We all want to, and must, end corruption. But should we destroy the legal process in this effort?

The CBI is selective. There is evidence that Congress ministers were complicit in the decision through which 2G licences were granted. No action has been initiated against them. There is, however, neither administrative restraint nor legal constraint against the DMK, an ally which has been turned into a scapegoat to appease an outraged public.

The second official reason for denying bail is that the accused might tamper with evidence, or pressurise potential witnesses. A. Raja and Kanimozhi were free for many weeks after proceedings began. If they did not tamper or pressurise then, how can they do so now? This excuse is too thin to stand without an artificial prop.

Indian courts honour the right to bail. Wazlul Kamar Khan, whose name was on home minister P. Chidambaram’s “Famous 50” list of wanted “terrorists” sent to Pakistan, has been given bail in Maharashtra. Terrorism, one presumes, is more worrisome than corruption, whichever way you want to draw the chart of judicial gravity. No one has called Raja or Kanimozhi a terrorist. Why should an accused in a terrorist case be given bail, but not them?

Very Important People get into trouble everywhere. The police are rarely polite; it isn’t in their training manual. But the law respects the rights of an accused. Former IMF director Dominique Strauss-Kahn was arrested from an airplane, locked up in a small cell and paraded before cameras, unshaven and haggard. He has been indicted on seven counts, including sexual molestation of a hotel maid. But he is out on bail. Recently, American billionaire Raj Rajaratnam became the face of financial corruption when he was convicted for insider trading. But the New York police did not seek to jail him before judgment.

There is one prison in the free world where you cannot get bail: Guantanamo, America’s preferred penitentiary for suspected terrorists. We are, fortunately, nowhere near that ominous stage yet. But the road to many destinations, including hell, can be paved with good intentions.